Welcome to the reign of African dictators—men who served their countries for much too long, manipulating constitutions and bringing about an end to legitimacy on the African continent—namely, Omar al-Bashir, who plays the role as chief dictator to his crumbling regime. Bashir came to rule Sudan after a bloodless 1989 coup and has since been named as the only sitting head of state wanted for the crime of genocide. 

However, as soon as Bashir extends his rule of the country—with results expected on Apr. 27—he is bound to make his rule seemingly legitimate, despite a surprisingly low voter turnout. In fact, the elections were boycotted by opposition parties waiting for the formation of a coalition government in order to ensure legitimacy, according to the Associated Press. His actions have been deplorable, to say the least. Extending the reign of an African dictator is an easy feat, but capturing him is not so much. 

On Mar. 10, Fatou Bensouda, Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, pressured the UN Security Council to take action on his seizure as the only sitting head of state wanted for the crime of genocide. This seems rather ironic, as the council referred the situation to the International Criminal Court ten years prior on March 31, 2005. 

After the brutal man evaded capture for some five years, the ICC decided enough was enough. However, if elections go through successfully, the legitimacy of the ICC may come into question as Bashir may find himself in office for a neat 25 more years while the ICC crumbles to the ground after only thirteen years. In turn, Bashir’s success will deem the ICC illegitimate in many viewers’ eyes. 

However, as we examine the rule of Bashir, we realize that throughout the years of his near-despotic rule, many in the international community should be left scratching their heads, wondering what is, in fact, legitimate in the world. 

In 2003, Omar al-Bashir began his campaign of genocide in Darfur, a region in Western Sudan that largely had been abandoned by the government up to that point. As a result, militant groups known as the Justice and Equality Movement and the Sudan Liberation Movement attacked government bases in order to respond to this deprivation. Bashir responded with a brutal campaign of “draining the pond to catch the fish.” 

This campaign allowed for Bashir to orchestrate massive aerial attacks on civilians accompanied by massive ground assaults which consisted of a campaign of looting, rape, torture and murder perpetrated by the Janjaweed or the “devil on horseback.” Today, this ragtag militia group is supported officially by the government and have been named the Rapid Support Forces. 

According to United to End Genocide, some 300,000 have been killed, and 3 million more have been displaced due to the government’s desire to pursue counterinsurgency methods against these militias, oftentimes directly targeting the Fur, Zaghawa and Masalit ethnic populations in the process.

If that is not enough, this expansive campaign of atrocities has spread to other regions of the country—including South Kordofan and the Blue Nile regions—for nearly four years now following disputed state elections and the country’s split from today’s South Sudan. Those in the region fought alongside the SPLM in the Second Sudanese Civil War. As a result, Sudan continued the campaign of impunity, striking down individuals accused of allying with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, the group currently fighting with the government. 

And though it might seem it couldn’t get any worse, the international government is standing idly by while all of the evidence points to the government’s complicity. 

In fact, in March 2012, in response to evidence found in John Prendergast’s and George Clooney’s Satellite Sentinel Project, the two visited the Nuba Mountains—an area in South Kordofan—in order to alert the world to what happens when there are no witnesses. The footage shows a place where “for the first time since the Stone Age, people are living in caves.” 

According to the United Nations, as of May 31, 2012, some 202,000 refugees from the Blue Nile and South Kordofan are living in refugee camps in South Sudan and Ethiopia. An estimated 300,000 have been displaced by the conflict. 

Now, the international community is devolving to a point of complacency. Today, the arrest warrants for Omar al-Bashir and his closest advisor are losing legitimacy with every coming day. 

All the while, the UN Security Council is supporting a cessation of all humanitarian efforts with the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur and is failing to support the necessary efforts to bring peace to the country. As Omar Hassan Al-Bashir grabs on his 26th year of the presidency, I suppose we will continue to hold our tongues. Let’s say goodbye to the ICC and any hope for a peaceful resolution for the violence in Sudan.